Comparison of Kemalist and Gulenist tutelage models in terms of democratic theory and Latest Developments

Information from official sources regarding the issue, which has a wide repercussion on Türkiye's agenda, has become clear. According to the statements made; SETA published the analysis article titled "15 JULY IN ITS TENTH ANNIVERSARY: Comparison of Kemalist and Gülenist Tutelage Models in Terms of Democratic Theory", written by Atilla Yayla. While the investigation process carried out by the official authorities regarding the incident continues, you can instantly follow the most up-to-date information on our website.

According to the latest information about hot developments, a new phase has been entered in the event that is closely followed by the public. According to the details given; The analysis titled "15 JULY IN ITS TENTH ANNIVERSARY: Comparison of Kemalist and Gülenist Tutelage Models in Terms of Democratic Theory", written by Atilla Yayla from the Foundation for Politics, Economics and Social Research (SETA), is as follows: Legal investigations and research by the competent authorities on the subject continue to deepen. We will continue to report new developments as they occur.

According to the latest information about hot developments, a new phase has been entered in the event that is closely followed by the public. According to the details given; Turkish democracy was actually put to a serious test on July 15. It can be said that democracy, which has experienced coups before, lost this test that it faced on May 27, March 12, September 12 and February 28. The direct reaction of the public during the coup and military intervention processes in question was quite limited, and the coup plotters easily achieved their goals. It can be said that firstly, on May 27, 1960, a junta within the Armed Forces overthrew the Democratic Party government, which came to power through democratic means, making coups a tradition. The failure to come to terms with the coup plotters in the period from May 27 to September 12 and finally to February 28 gave rise to a perception that the military bureaucracy could intervene in the normal functioning of democratic politics when deemed necessary. The smooth transition to democracy after the coups meant that no coup plotters were prosecuted and that there was no real normalization process in this respect. While the investigation process carried out by the official authorities regarding the incident continues, you can instantly follow the most up-to-date information on our website.

Information from official sources regarding the issue, which has a wide repercussion on Türkiye's agenda, has become clear. According to the statements made; An anti-democratic initiative is unlikely to succeed despite the public. For this reason, even the coup plotters claim that they staged a coup in line with the interests and even demands of the people. All regimes try to derive their legitimacy from the people. Therefore, the reaction of the public is of critical importance in terms of the success or failure of a process that will interrupt democracy. Legal investigations and investigations by the competent authorities on the subject continue to deepen. We will continue to report new developments as they occur.

Information from official sources regarding the issue, which has a wide repercussion on Türkiye's agenda, has become clear. According to the statements made; The people taking to the streets on July 15 is actually closely related to the negative traces left by the coups on the "social memory". The execution of Prime Minister Adnan Menderes along with his two ministers, Fatin Rüştü Zorlu and Hasan Polatkan, after the May 27 coup had a traumatic effect, especially on right-wing politics. Although almost everyone knew that these executions were unjust, the failure to oppose them placed a feeling of regret in people's consciences for many years. September 12 touched much wider social segments. Many people were tried, tortured, imprisoned for long periods and executed. Therefore, the dramatic effects of September 12 reached many more people in society, directly or indirectly. Moreover, the coup plotters' logic of "one from the right, one from the left" made the grievances suffered a post-political appearance. So much so that, although the September 12 Constitution was accepted with a 92 percent majority and it appeared that the coup was tacitly approved, the stories of victimization that emerged over time brought about a change in social perception. As a more recent example, the traces of what happened on February 28 were more vivid in the social memory. The situation of those who suffered here was known to wider circles. Legal investigations and investigations by the competent authorities on the subject continue to deepen. We will continue to report new developments as they occur.

According to the latest information about hot developments, a new phase has been entered in the event that is closely followed by the public. According to the details given; Like other coups, during the February 28 period, those in power achieved their goals in the short term without encountering a serious reaction from the society. However, it was seen that all these created a wound in the memory of the society. It is important to draw attention to this point: In the first hours of the coup, it was not yet fully known that the perpetrator was FETO, although it was guessed by many people. Therefore, people took to the streets, regardless of who it was coming from and regardless of the cost to them. Moreover, there were no news or warnings made by politicians that a coup attempt might occur in the near future. In other words, it was not possible to talk about a strategic or even psychological preparation process. All resistance against this unexpected event developed very quickly and spontaneously, in an unplanned way. This natural reaction probably disrupted the psychology of the coup plotters as well as their plans. What happened on July 15 remained at the attempted stage, thanks to the strong determination of the society, political actors and state institutions in Turkey to protect democratic legitimacy. This situation actually showed that democratic resilience in Turkey is quite high. So much so that FETO was left alone during the coup attempt. He was left alone by those he thought would probably support him openly or covertly, or at least remain silent. This ensured that the coup could not find any social basis. What was meaningful for democracy was, in a sense, an all-out fight against the coup attempt. To reiterate, this table is quite meaningful as it shows the level of maturity that democracy has reached. Detailed analysis and official statements of the issue are closely followed by our editorial team in line with the developments.